"Ideology is the principal guarantee of the inner consistency of power."

The global state of induced cognitive dissonance is not going away. What is called COVID is a mental construct, an ideology. As with AIDS, and other similar events, assumptions, backed by carefully selected imagery and relabeling are injected into the global brain as facts.

“Make the lie big, make it simple, keep saying it, and eventually they will believe it.”

― Joseph Goebbels

If the wording used to define “epidemic’ were not changed, this alleged emergency would not qualify as an epidemic or even an emergency.

“It would not be impossible to prove with sufficient repetition and a psychological understanding of the people concerned that a square is in fact a circle. They are mere words, and words can be molded until they clothe ideas and disguise.”

― Joseph Goebbels

The PCR test is worthless as a diagnostic tool, and with that go all the numbers, i.e. ‘cases,’ based on this fraudulent tool.

“Think of the press as a great keyboard on which the government can play.”

― Joseph Goebbels

By labeling experimental gene therapies ‘vaccines,’ the injections, which do not qualify as classic ‘vaccines,’ would not meet the requirements for emergency use. (Between Dec. 14, 2020 and Aug. 27, 2021, a total of 650,077 total adverse events were reported to VAERS, including 13,911 deaths.)

People do never govern themselves. That lunacy was concocted by liberalism. Behind its "people's sovereignty" the slyest cheaters are hiding, who don't want to be recognized.”

― Joseph Goebbels

It is estimated that 85% of the alleged COVID deaths were caused by medical error, censorship of preexisting prevention, coordinated, even hysterical political maneuvering and profit.

“The most brilliant propagandist technique will yield no success unless one fundamental principle is borne in mind constantly - it must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over.”

― Joseph Goebbels

Those who have devoted their lives to the study of propaganda are shocked. The global population has been hammered for eighteen months by the most sophisticated, massively coordinated propaganda campaign in human history, and how easily, effectively, it has been done.

“You can’t change the masses. They will always be the same: dumb, gluttonous, and forgetful.”

― Joseph Goebbels

Mr. Goebbels was speaking of the German population, at the time considered the most educated in the world. No, being ‘educated’ will not save us. What is required is a quality of mind that understands how the mind works, which is far different than the mechanical repetition of conditioning.

By design and with the force of a native tomahawk slamming through a human skull, the world has been divided; those who identify with the ‘ideology de jure,’ the mediated virtual-reality and the lies it hides, and those who live in the truth of their direct lived experience, their authentic human nature.

Traveling beyond the ‘American Curtin,’ and being a retailer, numerous comments by individuals from Soviet, Korean, German and other nations, who have lived in totalitarian states, describe how blind we are, not appreciating what is happening, the steady and systematic erosion of basic freedoms and civil liberties. Vaccine mandates, completely ineffective compulsory masks, the segregation of vaxxed and unvaxxed, along with other atrocities are martial law relabeled. So too are politicians, government officials, health authorities, media personalities, and common folk suggesting, as is being done in Communist China, that we make life untenable for those who do not comply:

  • A judge had stripped a mother of her parental rights because she refused to get the jab
  • Requiring them to get tested daily at their own expense
  • Docking their paychecks (provided they're allowed to work at all)
  • Charging them nonrefundable quarantine fees
  • Denying them medical care at hospitals and private medical offices
  • Canceling private insurance or raising premiums by thousands of dollars a year
  • Forcing them to pay out of pocket for all medical expenses accrued due to COVID, even if they have insurance, Medicaid or Medicare
  • Suspending their gun permits
  • Suspending their driver's licenses
  • Denying access to loans and other financial services
  • Withholding government assistance
  • Withholding federal benefits like Social Security, VA benefits, subsidized housing, and pensions
  • Barring them from using public transportation
  • Putting them on a no-fly list

It was clear, when this new ideology was spawned, that the cast in the show called the War on Terror had changed. Same war, different invisible enemy. And War, as General Smedley D. Butler, two-time Medal of Honor recipient, described, Is a Racket.

My wife is Czech, born shortly before the ‘the wall’ crumbled. For nearly twenty years we have traveled to the Czech Republic visiting family, so the name Vaclav Havel was common. Plague, by Judy Mikovits and Kent Hekenlively, begins with a quote by Havel. He was quoted again in Mass Psychosis – How an Entire Population Becomes Mentally Ill. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=09maaUaRT4M

You do not become a ‘dissident’ just because you decide one day to take up this most unusual career. You are thrown into it by your personal sense of responsibility, combined with a complex set of external circumstances. You are cast out of the existing structures and placed in a position of conflict with them. It begins as an attempt to do your work well and ends with being branded an enemy of society.

Vaclav Havel
The Power of the Powerless

Here we are, living in what Havel describes as the "post-totalitarian" system, a new brand of social manipulation, where forces other than Stalin or Nazi-style brutality is the organizing power. What follows are select highlights from "The Power of the Powerless" originally written ("quickly," Havel said later) as a discussion piece for a projected joint Polish Czechoslovak volume of essays on the subject of freedom and power. Vaclav Havel wrote this work in 1979. The themes he discusses apply directly to what is taking place today in the United States and around the world.

Those of us who are choosing ‘truth,’ which Havel equates with ‘life’ are, like it or not, ‘dissidents’ in an emerging global post-totalitarian system. Instead of floundering, best, we study from a master.

Who are these so-called dissidents? Where does their point of view come from, and what importance does it have? What is the significance of the "independent initiatives" in which "dissidents" collaborate, and what real chances do such initiatives have of success? Is it appropriate to refer to "dissidents" as an opposition? If so, what exactly is such an opposition within the framework of this system? What does it do? What role does it play in society? What are its hopes and on what are they based? Is it within the power of the "dissidents"-as a category of sub-citizen outside the power establishment-to have any influence at all on society and the social system? Can they actually change anything?

The system in which we live has very little in common with a classical dictatorship… Each country has been completely penetrated by a network of manipulatory instruments controlled by the superpower center and totally subordinated to its interests.

In an era when metaphysical and existential certainties are in a state of crisis when people are being uprooted and alienated and are losing their sense of what this world means, this [COVID] ideology inevitably has a certain hypnotic charm. To wandering humankind, it offers an immediately available home: all one has to do is accept it, and suddenly everything becomes clear once more, life takes on new meaning, and all mysteries, unanswered questions, anxiety, and loneliness vanish. Of course, one pays dearly for this low-rent home: the price is abdication of one’ s own reason, conscience, and responsibility, for an essential aspect of this ideology is the consignment of reason and conscience to a higher authority.

The manager of a fruit-and-vegetable shop places in his window, among the onions and carrots, the slogan: "Workers of the world, unite!" [or Masks are Mandatory]. Why does he do it? What is he trying to communicate to the world? Is he genuinely enthusiastic about the idea of unity among the workers of the world? Is his enthusiasm so great that he feels an irrepressible impulse to acquaint the public with his ideals? Has he really given more than a moment's thought to how such a unification might occur and what it would mean?

He put them all into the window simply because it has been done that way for years, because everyone does it, and because that is the way it has to be. If he were to refuse, there could be trouble. He could be reproached for not having the proper decoration in his window; someone might even accuse him of disloyalty. He does it because these things must be done if one is to get along in life. It is one of the thousands of details that guarantee him a relatively tranquil life "in harmony with society," as they say.

The slogan is really a sign, and as such, it contains a subliminal but very definite message. Verbally, it might be expressed this way: "I, the greengrocer XY, live here and I know what I must do. I behave in the manner expected of me. I can be depended upon and am beyond reproach. I am obedient and therefore I have the right to be left in peace." This message, of course, has an addressee: it is directed above, to the greengrocer's superior, and at the same time it is a shield that protects the greengrocer from potential informers. The slogan's real meaning, therefore, is rooted firmly in the greengrocer's existence.

Let us take note: if the greengrocer had been instructed to display the slogan "I am afraid and therefore unquestioningly obedient;' he would not be nearly as indifferent to its semantics, even though the statement would reflect the truth. The greengrocer would be embarrassed and ashamed to put such an unequivocal statement of his own degradation in the shop window, and quite naturally so, for he is a human being and thus has a sense of his own dignity. To overcome this complication, his expression of loyalty must take the form of a sign which, at least on its textual surface, indicates a level of disinterested conviction… Thus the sign helps the greengrocer to conceal from himself the low foundations of his obedience, at the same time concealing the low foundations of power. It hides them behind the facade of something high. And that something is ideology.

Ideology is a specious way of relating to the world. It offers human beings the illusion of an identity, of dignity, and of morality while making it easier for them to part with them. As the repository of something supra-personal and objective, it enables people to deceive their conscience and conceal their true position and their inglorious modus vivendi, both from the world and from themselves. It is a very pragmatic but, at the same time, an apparently dignified way of legitimizing what is above, below, and on either side. It is directed toward people and toward God. It is a veil behind which human beings can hide their own fallen existence, their trivialization, and their adaptation to the status quo. It is an excuse that everyone can use, from the greengrocer, who conceals his fear of losing his job behind an alleged interest in the unification of the workers of the world, to the highest functionary, whose interest in staying in power can be cloaked in phrases about service to the working class. The primary excusatory function of ideology, therefore, is to provide people, both as victims and pillars of the post-totalitarian system, with the illusion that the system is in harmony with the human order and the order of the universe. [i.e., that what is being done is for our safety and the safety of others.]

The ideological excuse… acts as a kind of bridge between the regime and the people, across which the regime approaches the people and the people approach the regime. This explains why ideology plays such an important role in the post-totalitarian system: that complex machinery of units, hierarchies, transmission belts, and indirect instruments of manipulation which ensure in countless ways the integrity of the regime, leaving nothing to chance, would be quite simply unthinkable without ideology acting as its all-embracing excuse and as the excuse for each of its parts.

Between the aims of the post-totalitarian system and the aims of life there is a yawning abyss: while life, in its essence, moves toward plurality, diversity, independent self-constitution, and self-organization, in short, toward the fulfillment of its own freedom, the post-totalitarian system demands conformity, uniformity, and discipline. While life ever strives to create new and improbable structures, the post-totalitarian system contrives to force life into its most probable state.

This system serves people only to the extent necessary to ensure that people will serve it. Anything beyond this, that is to say, anything which leads people to overstep their predetermined roles is regarded by the system as an attack upon itself. And in this respect it is correct: every instance of such transgression is a genuine denial of the system. It can be said, therefore, that the inner aim of the post-totalitarian system is not mere preservation of power in the hands of a ruling clique, as appears to be the case at first sight. Rather, the social phenomenon of self-preservation is subordinated to something higher, to a kind of blind automatism which drives the system. No matter what position individuals hold in the hierarchy of power, they are not considered by the system to be worth anything in themselves, but only as things intended to fuel and serve this automatism. For this reason, an individual's desire for power is admissible only in so far as its direction coincides with the direction of the automatism of the system. [Jerry Mander, in Absence of the Sacred, describes corporations and corporate governments as machines.]

Ideology, in creating a bridge of excuses between the system and the individual, spans the abyss between the aims of the system and the aims of life. It pretends that the requirements of the system derive from the requirements of life. It is a world of appearances trying to pass for reality.

Individuals need not believe all these mystifications, but they must behave as though they did, or they must at least tolerate them in silence, or get along well with those who work with them. For this reason, however, they must live within a lie. They need not accept the lie. It is enough for them to have accepted their life with it and in it. By this very fact, individuals confirm the system, fulfill the system, make the system, are the system.

We have seen that the real meaning of the greengrocer's slogan has nothing to do with what the text of the slogan actually says. [Mandating masks and the jab is no different.] Even so, this real meaning is quite clear and generally comprehensible because the code is so familiar: the greengrocer declares his loyalty (and he can do no other if his declaration is to be accepted) in the only way the regime is capable of hearing; that is, by accepting the prescribed ritual, by accepting appearances as reality, by accepting the given rules of the game. In doing so, however, he has himself become a player in the game, thus making it possible for the game to go on, for it to exist in the first place.

If ideology was originally a bridge between the system and the individual as an individual, then the moment he steps on to this bridge it becomes at the same time a bridge between the system and the individual as a component of the system. That is, if ideology originally facilitated (by acting outwardly) the constitution of power by serving as a psychological excuse, then from the moment that excuse is accepted, it constitutes power inwardly, becoming an active component of that power. It begins to function as the principal instrument of ritual communication within the system of power.

The whole power structure (and we have already discussed its physical articulation) could not exist at all if there were not a certain metaphysical order binding all its components together, interconnecting them and subordinating them to a uniform method of accountability, supplying the combined operation of all these components with rules of the game, that is, with certain regulations, limitations, and legalities. This metaphysical order is fundamental to, and standard throughout, the entire power structure; it integrates its communication system and makes possible the internal exchange and transfer of information and instructions. It is rather like a collection of traffic signals and directional signs, giving the process shape and structure. This metaphysical order guarantees the inner coherence of the totalitarian power structure. It is the glue holding it together, its binding principle, the instrument of its discipline. Without this glue the structure as a totalitarian structure would vanish; it would disintegrate into individual atoms chaotically colliding with one another in their unregulated particular interests and inclinations. The entire pyramid of totalitarian power, deprived of the element that binds it together, would collapse in upon itself, as it were, in a kind of material implosion.

As the interpretation of reality by the power structure, ideology is always subordinated ultimately to the interests of the structure. Therefore, it has a natural tendency to disengage itself from reality, to create a world of appearances, to become ritual. In societies where there is public competition for power and therefore public control of that power, there also exists quite naturally public control of the way that power legitimates itself ideologically. Consequently, in such conditions, there are always certain correctives that effectively prevent ideology from abandoning reality altogether. Under totalitarianism, however, these correctives disappear, and thus there is nothing to prevent ideology from becoming more and more removed from reality, gradually turning into what it has already become in the post-totalitarian system: a world of appearances, a mere ritual, a formalized language deprived of semantic contact with reality and transformed into a system of ritual signs that replace reality with pseudo-reality.

Yet, as we have seen, ideology becomes at the same time an increasingly important component of power, a pillar providing it with both excusatory legitimacy and inner coherence. As this aspect grows in importance, and as it gradually loses touch with reality, it acquires a peculiar but very real strength. It becomes reality itself, albeit a reality altogether self-contained, one that on certain levels (chiefly inside the power structure) may have even greater weight than reality as such. Increasingly, the virtuosity of the ritual becomes more important than the reality hidden behind it. The significance of phenomena no longer derives from the phenomena themselves, but from their locus as concepts in the ideological context. Reality does not shape theory, but rather the reverse. Thus power gradually draws closer to ideology than it does to reality; it draws its strength from theory and becomes entirely dependent on it. This inevitably leads, of course, to a paradoxical result: rather than theory, or rather ideology, serving power, power begins to serve ideology. It is as though ideology had appropriated power from power, as though it had become dictator itself. It then appears that theory itself, ritual itself, ideology itself, makes decisions that affect people, and not the other way around.

If ideology is the principal guarantee of the inner consistency of power, it becomes at the same time an increasingly important guarantee of its continuity. Whereas succession to power in classical dictatorship is always a rather complicated affair (the pretenders having nothing to give their claims reasonable legitimacy, thereby forcing them always to resort to confrontations of naked power), in the post-totalitarian system power is passed on from person to person, from clique to clique, and from generation to generation in an essentially more regular fashion. In the selection of pretenders, a new "king-maker" takes part: it is ritual legitimation, the ability to rely on ritual, to fulfill it and use it, to allow oneself, as it were, to be borne aloft by it.

Naturally, power struggles exist in the post-totalitarian system as well, and most of them are far more brutal than in an open society, for the struggle is not open, regulated by democratic rules, and subject to public control, but hidden behind the scenes. (It is difficult to recall a single instance in which the First Secretary of a ruling Communist Party has been replaced without the various military and security forces being placed at least on alert.) This struggle, however, can never (as it can in classical dictatorships) threaten the very essence of the system and its continuity. At most, it will shake up the power structure, which will recover quickly precisely because the binding substance-ideology remains undisturbed. No matter who is replaced by whom, succession is only possible against the backdrop and within the framework of a common ritual. It can never take place by denying that ritual.

Because of this dictatorship of the ritual, however, power becomes clearly anonymous. Individuals are almost dissolved in the ritual. They allow themselves to be swept along by it and frequently it seems as though ritual alone carries people from obscurity into the light of power. Is it not characteristic of the post-totalitarian system that, on all levels of the power hierarchy, individuals are increasingly being pushed aside by faceless people, puppets, those uniformed flunkeys of the rituals and routines of power?

The automatic operation of a power structure thus dehumanized and made anonymous is a feature of the fundamental automatism of this system. It would seem that it is precisely the dictates of this automatism which select people lacking individual will for the power structure, that it is precisely the dictate of the empty phrase which summons to power people who use empty phrases as the best guarantee that the automatism of the post-totalitarian system will continue.

Vaclav Havel
The Power of the Powerless

The above selections are just that, highlights. Please do take the time to print and review the complete essay. There is so much being shared. Past is prolog.

There exists sufficient and compelling, verified research, that challenge core assumptions which serve as the basis for many of the global and local policy responses to the Coronavirus event. When public-health policies are challenged, or when the alleged scientific theories and data used to justify public-health policies is inconsistent, contradictory, unproven, or not verified, it is the responsibility of every citizen, every person, at every level of the civic policy and public-health system, to challenge said policies, ensuring that the public being served is done so with absolute integrity. Instead, we have unprecedented censorship, because what is taking place is not really a public health challenge. It is, as Havel, describes an ideological challenge.

Michael Mendizza

AttachmentSize
PDF icon havel-power-of-the-powerless.pdf2.01 MB